London Bangla A Force for the community…
Barrister Nazir Ahmed believes that if Zia had survived, Bangladesh could by now have been more developed than Malaysia.
Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman (referred to below as “Zia”) is one of the most popular personalities in the history of Bangladesh. He was the former President of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh and the Chief of the Bangladesh Army. However, his first and foremost identity is that he was a valiant freedom fighter who risked his life to declare the independence of Bangladesh. If Bangladesh had not become independent, Zia could have been put before a court martial for high treason and hanged by the country’s Pakistani rulers. A professional soldier turned politician by the force of circumstances, Zia proved himself to be a successful statesman. He was assassinated at the height of his popularity, a fate of which a very few leaders in history have suffered.
A brief history of Zia’s life
Zia was born in a village called Bagmari in the District of Bogra on 19th January 1936. He was the second son of his late parents, Mansur Rahman and Jahanara Khatun. Zia studied at Hare School, one of the leading boys schools in what was then Calcutta. He passed his matriculation examination from the Academy School, Karachi. In 1951, Zia was admitted into the D.J. College in Karachi. While studying at D.J. College, Zia joined the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) in 1953, as a cadet. He was commissioned in 1955 after graduating from the PMA at 12th PMA long course. In the army, he received commando training, became a paratrooper and took a special intelligence course. He fought valiantly as a Company Commander in the Khemkaran Sector in 1965 Indo-Pak War and in 1966 he was made an instructor at the PMA, Kakul. In the same year, he joined the Staff College, Quetta. Towards the end of 1969, he was sent to West Germany for training and later on he spent a few months with the British Army.
In October 1970, Zia was transferred, with the rank of major, to the newly raised Eighth East Bengal (EB) Regiment in Chittagong. Following the crackdown on unarmed civilians at midnight on 25th March 1971, he led the revolt against the Pakistan Army and later announced the historic “Declaration of Independence” from the Kalurghat Radio Station. Zia became a Sector Commander of the Liberation Forces in April 1971 and raised the first Brigade of the Bangladesh Army at Raumari (in Kurigram District) with the help of the First, Second and Eighth Bengal Regiment Jawans. The Brigade later came to be known as “Z” force. Zia was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in the same month. For his distinguished services in the Liberation War, Zia was honoured with the gallantry award “Bir Uttam”, (the second-highest military honour but the highest for living officers for their outstanding contribution).
After liberation of the country, Zia was promoted to the rank of colonel in February 1972 and commanded a Brigade in Comilla. In June 1972, Zia was appointed the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army. He became a brigadier in 1973 and on 10th October of the same year he was promoted to the rank of major general. On 25th August 1975, Zia, B.U., PSC was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and he assumed the responsibility of Chief of Armed Forces. In a premature coup d’état on 3rd November 1975, he was, however, removed from his command and was put under house arrest. “Sepoy-Janata Biplob” followed this event on 7th November 1975, leading to Zia’s release and reinstatement. He became one of the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrators (CMLAs), and on 29th November 1976 he became the CMLA. The then Chief Justice of Bangladesh, Justice Syed A. B. Mahmood Hussain, swore in Lieutenant General Ziaur Rahman as the President of the Republic on 21st April 1977.
Zia formed a new political party called the “Bangladesh Nationalist Party” (BNP) on 1st September 1978 and became its Chair. Election to Parliament (Jatiya Sangsad) was held on 18th February 1979 and the BNP won 207 out of 300 seats. In the very first session of Parliament, held in April 1979, martial law was lifted (on 6th April 1979) after the passage of the Fifth Amendment Bill. He also lifted all restrictions relating to printing and publication of news and views.
Zia had married Begum Khaleda Zia in 1960. Begum Zia is the current Chair of the BNP. She has been the Prime Minister of Bangladesh three times in the past. They had two sons: Mr Tareq Rahman, the Senior Vice-Chair of the BNP, who is currently living in London while undergoing medical treatment, and Mr Arafat Rahman, who is also living abroad and having medical treatment. Both of them were inhumanly and unlawfully tortured by the past military-backed, unconstitutional, caretaker government.
Zia was assassinated in an abortive army coup on 30th May 1981 at the Chittagong Circuit House.
Zia’s contribution at the domestic level
Zia made an outstanding contribution in the areas of politics, democracy, economy and the empowerment of women. He revived the multiparty system and restored the freedom of the press. He started the politics of tolerance and production. Zia announced a “19-point programme” of economic emancipation which emphasised self-reliance, rural development, decentralisation and population control. He worked energetically and spent much of his time travelling throughout the country, preaching the “politics of hope” by continually urging all Bangladeshis to work harder and to produce more.
Zia focused on boosting agricultural and industrial production, especially in food and grains, and to integrate rural development through a variety of programmes. He launched an ambitious rural development programme in 1977, which included a highly visible and popular food-for-work programme. He promoted private sector development, the growth of exports and reversing the collectivisation of farms. His Government reduced quotas and restrictions on agriculture and industrial activities. Zia launched major projects to construct irrigation canals, power stations, dams, roads and other public works.
The recruitment of women into the police force started in Bangladesh during Zia’s era, on 8th March 1976. In November 1977, Zia started a programme of canal digging, aimed at increasing agricultural output. He set up Women’s Affairs Ministry on 11th December 1977. He also increased the number of reserved seats for women in Parliament from 15 to 30 and raised the quota for women in government jobs. In February 1980, Zia set up organisations at village level called “Gram Sarkar” (Village Government) with a view to improving the social and economic conditions of the villagers. He also established the “Village Defence Party” system for local security and crime prevention. Programmes to promote primary and adult education were initiated on a mass scale and focused mainly on rural areas. The Anti-Dowry Act was passed on 12th December 1980. He also set up the Ministry of Youth Development, which was later merged with the Ministry of Sports. During this period, Bangladesh’s economy achieved fast economic and industrial growth.
Zia rejuvenated the cultural life of Bangladesh. In 1976, he introduced the annual “Ekusay Padak” to give recognition to renowned people of letters, artists, educationists and prominent personalities who had taken part in the Language Movement and in other walks of national life. In 1977 Swadhinata Puraskar (Independence Award) – the highest national award – was also introduced to recognise significant contributions from persons and/or organisations in various fields. Zia set up the Shishu Academy and Shishu Park.
Zia’s contribution and recognition at international level
Zia was always dreaming of South Asian co-operation. With this in mind, he initiated the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which became a reality in 1985. Zia became one of the members of the Al Quds Committee on the liberation of Jerusalem in 1981 and a member of the Peace Mission to end the Iran-Iraq War in 1981. At home, he established the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS) in 1978. Recognising Zia’s outstanding contribution in the international field, former President of the USA President Ronald Reagan said “The United States – indeed the world – had come to respect President Zia’s profound and compassionate commitment to a better life for his people and his dedication to the rule of law. His wisdom in international affairs will be sorely missed.”
Zia was honoured by the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAAR) for his statespersonship and vision. He was also honoured with Egypt’s highest state honour, the Order of the Nile; with the Great Star, the highest state honour of the former Yugoslavia; and the Hero of The Republic awarded by North Korea during his lifetime for the leadership he had given. Turkey named an important road in Ankara “Ziaur Rahman Caddesi” after his death to honour him.
Zia began reorienting Bangladesh’s foreign policy, addressing the concerns of the mostly staunch rightists coupled with some renegade leftists who believed that Bangladesh was reliant on Indian economic and military aid. He withdrew from his predecessor’s affinity with the Soviet bloc, developing closer relations with the United States and Western Europe. Zia also moved to harmonise ties with Saudi Arabia and the People’s Republic of China, which had opposed the creation of Bangladesh and did not recognise it until 1975. While distancing Bangladesh from India, Zia sought to improve ties with other Muslim nations. Zia’s move towards Muslim states improved the nation’s standing in the Middle East.
Islam and nationalism
Zia led the nation in a new direction, significantly different from the ideology and agenda of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (referred to below as “Mujib”). He took Bangladesh into a new dimension. He found that the overwhelming majority of the people of Bangladesh were suffering from an identity crisis, both from a religious point of view and as regards the concept of nationalism, with a very limited sense of sovereignty. He issued a proclamation amending the constitution, on the basis of which laws would be made in an effort to increase people’s awareness of religion and their nation. In the preamble to the constitution, he inserted the salutation “Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim” (“in the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful”). The statement “absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah” was added in Article 8(1) and 8(1A), replacing secularism. Socialism was redefined as “economic and social justice”. In Article 25(2), Zia introduced a principle that “the State shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity.”
Zia introduced “Bangladeshi Nationalism” based on national identity as opposed to Mujib’s “Bangalee Nationalism” based on language heritage. Zia emphasised the national role of Islam as a guide to the principles of life. Claiming to promote an inclusive national identity, Zia reached out to non-Bangalee minorities such as the Santos, Garos, Manipuris and Chakmas, as well as the Urdu-speaking peoples of Bihari origin. He even amended the constitution to change the term used to describe the nationality of the citizens from Bangalee, an ethnic identity, to Bangladeshi, a national identity, defining citizens in respect of their sovereign allegiance not political belief or party affiliation. In an effort to promote cultural assimilation and economic development, Zia appointed a Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Commission in 1976. On 2nd July 1977, Zia organised a Tribal Convention to promote a dialogue between the Government and tribal groups.
Some criticisms by his critics and possible explanation
Zia was an honest personality from top to bottom. Even his arch rivals and political opponents could never accuse him of being dishonest or corrupt. His honesty was beyond question. Some of his political critics often criticise Zia superficially for saying “I will make politics difficult for politicians.” These phrases were completely misinterpreted by his opponents. Zia believed in grassroots level politics. His vision was to change the fate of the common people of the country: to do that he was keen to engage with common people and work hard for them. Even when he was president he walked mile after mile and engaged himself in digging canals. He wanted to make politics difficult for those so called politicians, who, without any effort, wanted to be in the higher positions or wanted to make money using politics as a tool.
Another accusation often levelled against Zia is that he was responsible for the deaths of many army officers through court martials. Coups and mutinies are the most serious offences in the military services and therefore these must be dealt with harshly and strictly. What else could he have done? Taking a gentlemanly approach or looking for political solutions or conducting negotiations are the wrong methods to deal with military coups and mutinies. These wrong approaches could have resulted in what we saw in Peelkhana on 25th and 26th February 2009. Had he not dealt with those coups and mutinies harshly and strictly, he would have been a victim much earlier.
Conclusion
Bangladesh has had many presidents and prime ministers in the past and will, no doubt, have many more in the future. The country desperately needs a statesperson like Zia who can unite the nation and take the country forward, someone in whom all the stakeholders have confidence. It would not be difficult for Bangladesh to be a country like Malaysia if it had a statesperson with vision. I firmly believe that if Zia had survived, by now Bangladesh could have been more developed than Malaysia. Zia took the nation in new and unique directions – to find its identity, to find a way of using politics to build the nation, to find a new politics of tolerance and unity. His inheritors and numerous political followers would be better off if they could hold on to those unique directions. Following Zia’s renowned honesty and dedication could be the main basis of politics for his innumerable followers.
For decades, Mujib fought for democracy and rights against Pakistani military dictators. In fact, he spent the most important part of his life in a Pakistani jail. He was harassed and tortured in many ways. He was kept away from his family for years. The irony is that such a person, who rose to office following independence, introduced a one party-dictatorial system and closed almost all the media. By sharp contrast, Zia was out and out a solder. He showed his bravery, commitment and sharpness in each and every spare of his military life. Leaving his extraordinary military career when he entered into politics, he became a role model for how to conduct yourself in public life in a democracy. He gave what seasoned politicians like Mujib failed to give. He introduced the multi-party system and lifted all restrictions from the press and media. He was so tolerant that he made sure that all the skilled politicians and parliamentarians in his opponents’ camps came to Parliament during his era – for this, according to him, would make democracy and the parliamentary system stable, vibrant and sustainable. Many critics of the Awami League (AL) claim that the AL was killed when the one party system was introduced in the name of BAKSAL by Mujib. It was Zia who gave a new life to the AL when he revived the multi-party system.
Zia became the Chief of the Army at the age of 39. He became the President at the age of 41. He was able to serve the nation for only four years as the President. During this short time, Zia took Bangladesh to a dignified position where it could be respected. The contribution and sacrifice he made for the nation in a short span of time is unparalleled in the contemporary history of the world. Bangladesh lost such a unique, legendary person, who it has not yet been possible to replace. May Almighty God give him the highest place in Jannah.
Barrister Nazir Ahmed FRSA is an UK based
legal expert, analyst, writer and author.
He can be reached via e-mail:
ahmedlaw2002@yahoo.co.uk
